NextFin

AI Billionaire-Backed Group Launches Pro-Data Center Ad Blitz

Summarized by NextFin AI
  • Build American AI, backed by AI billionaires, launches a multimillion-dollar ad and grassroots campaign in Kansas, Ohio and Wisconsin to defend data center construction against growing local opposition.
  • Voters have consistently favored limits on data centers, with measures passing by wide margins such as 88% to 12% in Monterey Park and 66% to 34% in Janesville, blocking or delaying $98 billion in projects.
  • Data center power demand is forecast to more than double from 31 gigawatts in 2025 to 66 gigawatts in 2027, with top hyperscalers expected to spend up to $800 billion on infrastructure in 2026.
  • REITs Equinix and Digital Realty raised outlooks on strong leasing, but analysts warn political veto risk at the ballot box is a structural threat that advertising alone may not resolve.

NextFin News - A well-funded advocacy group backed by artificial-intelligence industry billionaires is opening a new front in the battle over America's data center boom, launching a multimillion-dollar advertising campaign in three election battleground states as public opposition to the construction wave threatens to slow the industry's growth plans.

Build American AI, a 501(c)(4) nonprofit tied to the pro-AI super PAC Leading the Future, said Monday it will spend millions on paid advertising, grassroots organizing, research and public education in Kansas, Ohio and Wisconsin — states where data center fights have already consumed statewide elections. The group disclosed roughly $50 million in cash on hand and announced plans to stand up a new super PAC, Building the Future, to back candidates aligned with its agenda. The move marks a sharp escalation by an industry that has spent more than a decade avoiding the kind of retail political warfare that now greets its projects at city halls and county courthouses across the country.

This is not the industry's first attempt to shape the political weather around its infrastructure. Meta Platforms has spent more than $6 million on television ads in state capitals and Washington arguing that data centers create jobs, and a network of pro-AI political committees has already poured nine-figure sums into candidate races. What is new is the target. Earlier spending defended individual politicians or specific regulatory outcomes. This campaign defends the buildout itself — the physical right to keep constructing the facilities that AI growth depends on.

The Campaign: Money, Message, and Where It Lands

The announcement frames the spending as a fight for American technological leadership rather than a defense of individual projects. "The U.S. should build the infrastructure needed to lead the world in AI while protecting families, communities and the environment," the group said in its statement. A second line of the message concedes the political reality the industry now faces: "The continued build-out of data centers and new energy infrastructure must benefit communities first, and we will support leaders who advance policies that achieve that goal."

That phrasing — infrastructure first, but communities first — is the tell. The campaign is not trying to win an argument that data centers are harmless. It is trying to reframe them as compatible with local interests, a shift that acknowledges how much ground the opposition has already taken. The group said the effort will expand as state legislatures draft bills for their 2027 sessions, and it pointed to Colorado, Georgia and Texas as models for how states should approach data center development.

The money behind the message traces to some of the most prominent names in technology finance. Leading the Future, launched in 2025, has received more than $140 million from industry stakeholders including Andreessen Horowitz, OpenAI President Greg Brockman and Palantir co-founder Joe Lonsdale. In February 2026, reports showed Brockman and his spouse, together with venture capitalists Marc Andreessen and Ben Horowitz, had poured a combined $50 million into the effort. Federal Election Commission filings tracked through May 31, 2026 showed the network's Democratic-aligned arm had raised $15.51 million, disbursed $13.59 million, and logged $11.08 million in independent expenditures — with spending more than doubling from $5 million to $11.1 million as the group emptied much of its cash reserve. An affiliated committee reported $15.27 million raised and $8.59 million in cash on hand as of the same date.

The network has already tested its playbook in candidate races. It spent $1.1 million on television ads attacking New York's Alex Bores for writing an AI safety law, and backed candidates in Illinois and Louisiana contests. The new 527 committee, Building the Future, widens the aperture to state and federal races, though the group said it is currently focused on issues rather than specific contests. A separate innovation council backed by venture capitalist and former Trump adviser David Sacks has said it intends to spend up to $100 million defending the president's AI agenda, though it is structured as a political nonprofit that does not disclose donors and had not begun spending on races.

Why the Industry Is Fighting Now

The timing is not accidental. Data center opposition has moved from scattered nuisance to a defining issue of the 2026 midterm cycle, and the ballot box is where the industry is losing. In 2026, voters are deciding at least 16 local ballot measures related to data centers across seven states: California, Florida, Illinois, Michigan, Nevada, Ohio and Wisconsin. As of late August, voters had already decided four of them — and in every case, a majority favored greater limits on development, either by approving new restrictions or rejecting measures that would have facilitated projects.

The results are lopsided. In Monterey Park, California, voters approved a measure to prohibit data centers 88 percent to 12 percent in June. In Janesville, Wisconsin, a measure imposing greater limits won 66 percent to 34 percent. One pro-development referral was defeated 87 percent to 13 percent. Grassroots organizers in Ohio are attempting to place a statewide ban on data centers larger than 25 megawatts on the November ballot, and organizers described the effort as urgent. "We feel like we're in emergency mode," said Jessica Baker, a real estate agent and one of the organizers who filed the Ohio petition.

The opposition is not merely symbolic. Australian developer HMC Capital withdrew plans for a 250,000-square-foot facility in Monterey Park after the local revolt. A research firm, Data Center Watch, found that between March and June 2025, community opposition led to $98 billion in data center projects being blocked or delayed. A review of public records published in early 2026 found at least 25 projects were canceled in 2025 in response to local objections. When voters can stop a project outright, "jobs and tax revenue" arguments stop being trump cards and start sounding like demands for local sacrifice.

The grievances are concrete and hard to dismiss. A Pew Research Center poll found the public is concerned about rising electricity rates, the enormous water use data centers require, public subsidies in the form of tax breaks, and the fact that the facilities do not bring meaningful employment. Consumer Reports cited analysis showing areas with high concentrations of data centers saw electricity prices jump 267 percent over the past five years, and a January 2026 survey found nearly three-quarters of Virginia voters blame the facilities — largely clustered in Northern Virginia's Data Center Alley — for rising electricity costs. Representative Jim McGovern of Massachusetts has called for a federal moratorium on AI data centers until Congress sets standards and guardrails.

The Stakes for the AI Buildout

Behind the political fight is an infrastructure boom with few historical parallels. Goldman Sachs Research expects U.S. data center power demand to climb from 31 gigawatts in 2025 to 41 gigawatts in 2026 and 66 gigawatts in 2027 — more than doubling in two years. The U.S. Energy Information Administration projects total American electricity consumption will rise from 4,195 billion kilowatt-hours in 2025 to 4,391 billion kilowatt-hours in 2027, driven mainly by data centers and electrification. Analysts project the top five hyperscalers alone will spend between $775 billion and $800 billion on data center infrastructure in 2026, with total worldwide data center capital expenditure forecast to grow from roughly $434 billion in 2024 to more than $1 trillion by 2029.

This is a capital cycle that cannot pause for a political detour. Every delayed project pushes out the revenue that underwrites the next round of spending, and every canceled facility narrows the physical runway for the models that OpenAI, Google, Meta and Microsoft are racing to build. The industry's own numbers show why the backlash hits so close to home: more than 570 data centers are under construction or in active planning across 40-plus states, and Amazon, Google, Microsoft and Meta have collectively announced over $300 billion in U.S. data center investments for 2024 through 2028. The United States already hosts more than 2,000 tracked data center facilities consuming about 4.4 percent of total electricity, with Texas leading at 224 facilities, followed by Virginia at 209, California at 123, and Ohio at 108.

The market has rewarded the builders so far. Data center real estate investment trusts Equinix and Digital Realty both raised their financial outlooks after reporting increased leasing and pricing. Digital Realty is projecting core funds from operations per share to grow roughly 8 percent to a 2026 outlook of $7.90 to $8.00, while Equinix has pointed to low-double-digit funds-from-operations growth backed by a record $1.4 billion backlog of signed-but-not-commenced leases. But those valuations assume the projects get built — and get powered. A political environment that can veto a facility at the ballot box is a risk factor that does not sit neatly in a discounted cash flow model, and it is one that equity analysts have only begun to price in.

The Counter-Thesis: This Is a Symptom, Not a Problem the Industry Can Advertise Away

The strongest argument against Build American AI's approach is that the backlash is not a communications problem. It is the predictable consequence of a buildout whose costs are concentrated and visible while its benefits are diffuse and abstract. A data center in a small town consumes water residents can see, draws power that shows up on their bills, and employs a handful of technicians — not the hundreds of construction workers a community might expect from an industrial project of that scale. No amount of advertising changes the physics.

There is also a credibility problem the industry cannot buy its way out of. The same network funding the pro-data center ads has spent millions attacking politicians who propose AI safety rules, including the $1.1 million campaign against Alex Bores in New York. To voters in Ohio or Wisconsin, the message that this is about "communities first" arrives from an organization whose record shows it is about protecting the industry's freedom to build. That gap between the message and the messenger is the campaign's central vulnerability.

Finally, the industry's own preferred model may be moving against it. Texas Governor Greg Abbott, a Republican, has recently spoken harshly of data centers, requiring companies to pay their own infrastructure costs and pausing new grid approvals pending an audit. Build American AI says Abbott's approach — making companies pay for what they consume — is the right balance. But that is an admission that the old model, in which communities absorb the costs and developers capture the profits, is politically untenable. If the industry's answer is to endorse the very regulatory tightening its opponents demand, the advertising campaign becomes an exercise in managing the terms of surrender rather than winning the argument.

The cyclical-versus-structural question cuts to the heart of the investment case. The political backlash is cyclical in one sense: it is concentrated in election years, it responds to visible local harms, and it can be blunted by better community-benefit deals. But the underlying driver is structural. Data center power demand is not a temporary spike that mean-reverts; it is the physical expression of an AI compute cycle that industry forecasts show extending through the end of the decade. A community can defeat one project, but it cannot defeat the demand that sends the next developer to the next town. The industry's problem, therefore, is not whether the buildout happens — it is who gets to set the price of admission, and whether that price leaves the economics intact.

What to Watch

The campaign's success or failure will be measured in three arenas. First, the November ballot: if Ohio's statewide ban effort qualifies and passes, or if additional local measures in Kansas, Ohio and Wisconsin follow Monterey Park and Janesville in rejecting projects, the ad blitz will have failed to move the needle where it matters most. Second, state legislatures: the group explicitly tied its expansion to 2027 bill drafting, so the shape of new data center laws in battleground states will show whether the industry is setting the agenda or reacting to it. Third, the money trail: Building the Future's filings will reveal whether the group moves from issue advocacy to candidate spending, and whether its war chest grows beyond the roughly $50 million it currently holds.

Short term, expect the airwaves in Kansas, Ohio and Wisconsin to fill with competing ads — the industry's "infrastructure for leadership" message against opponents' "water, power and no jobs" framing. Medium term, the decisive variable is whether developers can offer communities a materially better deal: grid upgrades paid by the operator, water recycling mandates, enforceable job commitments, and revenue sharing that shows up in lower local taxes rather than state-level abstractions. Long term, the structural question is whether AI's power demand is a once-in-a-generation infrastructure cycle that will eventually be absorbed, or a permanent source of political friction that reshapes how America permits industrial construction.

The falsifying signal for the industry's optimism is straightforward: if data center ballot measures continue to pass by wide margins through 2027 despite millions in counter-spending, the problem is structural, not rhetorical — and no ad campaign will fix it. Conversely, if measures stall or fail in the three target states while state legislatures pass industry-friendly siting laws, the campaign will have bought the industry something advertising rarely delivers: time.

The Bottom Line

Build American AI's ad blitz is the AI industry's recognition that its biggest constraint is no longer capital or chips — it is consent. The question is whether consent can be manufactured with advertising, or whether it has to be earned through concessions that cut into the very economics the campaign exists to protect.

"The continued build-out of data centers and new energy infrastructure must benefit communities first, and we will support leaders who advance policies that achieve that goal."

That sentence, from the group's own announcement, is the clearest signal of what is coming: an industry that spent years building first and asking questions later is now preparing to ask — loudly, and at its own expense.

Explore more exclusive insights at nextfin.ai.

Insights

What is Build American AI and which billionaires fund it?

How does the new super PAC Building the Future differ from existing groups?

Why is public consent now the biggest constraint for AI infrastructure?

Which election battleground states are targeted by the ad campaign?

How much money has the pro-AI political network raised and spent?

What are the main public grievances against data center construction?

How have recent voter ballot measures turned out for the industry?

What changed in the industry political strategy compared to past efforts?

What role is David Sacks playing in defending the AI agenda?

How is U.S. data center power demand projected to grow through 2027?

What will determine the success of the ad campaign in 2027?

How might community benefit deals change data center economics?

Will AI power demand remain a permanent source of political friction?

Why do critics argue advertising cannot fix the backlash?

How does attacking AI safety politicians hurt the group credibility?

What impact do data centers have on local electricity prices?

Why is the Texas Governor approach significant for the industry?

How did Monterey Park and Janesville voters respond to data center measures?

How does Meta previous ad spending compare to this new campaign?

What total worldwide data center capital expenditure is forecast by 2029?

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